The installation of Devendra Fadnavis as Chief Minister for the third time is set to change the politics of Maharashtra forever, with repercussions far beyond the state. Following an unprecedented victory in the Maharashtra assembly elections, the 54-year-old leader has signalled that he has finally arrived. Unlike many Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) chief ministers, Fadnavis is not faceless, and that is his strength. Like Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Fadnavis has shown that he is a leader in his own right.

Fadnavis is the fourth Chief Minister from the Vidarbha region, following M. S. Kannamwar, Vasantrao Naik, and Sudhakarrao Naik. As Home Minister, Fadnavis may not have used a bulldozer, but he took a tough stance on issues like the Bheema-Koregaon case and ‘urban naxals’. He insists that the slogans “Batenge to Katenge” and “Ek Hai to Safe Hai” were calls of the hour, and there was no need to be apologetic about them.

With this victory, Fadnavis has placed himself among the foremost leaders in the BJP, alongside a select few. His rise has been supported by Prime Minister Narendra Modi since he emerged on the national stage. Fadnavis has always been grateful and loyal to his leader and shares his tact and patience.

Shiv Sena May Be The First Target

With Fadnavis firmly in control, observers believe that things will never be the same in one of India’s most industrial states. The first target on his list could be Uddhav Thackeray and his party, as Fadnavis might soon order the long-delayed elections to municipal corporations, including Greater Mumbai, to further weaken the Thackeray-led Shiv Sena. The old political principle of “strike while the iron is hot” seems to be in play.

There may have been many claims and counterclaims, both formally and informally, but everyone who matters in the Mahayuti, especially in the BJP, was convinced that the chief ministerial crown belonged to Fadnavis. It was a moment of reckoning for the leader from Nagpur, who has consistently faced attacks from the opposition, regardless of the provocation.

One of Fadnavis’s strengths as a leader is his ability to combine a soft face with hardline tactics and strategy. This approach has not only crushed his political opponents but also silenced detractors within his own party who either underestimated him or believed he could easily be marginalised because he is a Brahmin. While the Brahmin community may not be a dominant political force, it has traditionally done well in bureaucracy and other fields.

Will BJP Dominate Maharashtra?

Fadnavis is leading the state at a time when the opposition is either divided or has become faceless. He and his party succeeded in ensuring that Uddhav-led Shiv Sena’s Hindutva claims remained diminished as it allied with parties like the Congress and Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).

These parties, along with Prakash Ambedkar’s Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) and Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS), are in no position to challenge the BJP under Fadnavis, at least for now. Additionally, the Marathas, the dominant community in the state, have become ‘softer’ towards the BJP. The party has been accommodative and is no longer dominated by any single caste or group of castes, unlike the Congress, which used to be a party of Marathas, Dalits, and minorities.

The BJP is known for its “sahi disha, spasht niti” (correct direction, clear policy). Observers believe that it is inching closer towards becoming the most dominant political force in Maharashtra for years to come. The saffron sweep in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand, and Uttar Pradesh in recent years has helped the party expand in Maharashtra.

The unexpected collapse of Congress in the traditional stronghold has made matters easier for the BJP, at least for now. Until Congress gets its house in order, regional parties, despite being weakened, remain the primary hurdle in the BJP’s expansion in Maharashtra.

Existential Threat To Many

Fadnavis’s re-emergence poses existential threats to Uddhav Thackeray, the NCP (Sharad Pawar), and the Congress. The BJP’s prime objective is to make Maharashtra “shat pratishat” (100%), meaning to expand and strengthen the party so that it no longer depends on allies and faces little resistance from its detractors.

The rise of Fadnavis comes at a time when Nitin Gadkari’s status within the party and the government appears to be declining. Gadkari, a former BJP President, played a pivotal role in bringing Fadnavis into politics. Fadnavis is a second-generation politician; his late father, Gangadhar, was an MLC during Sharad Pawar’s tenure in state politics.

Fadnavis’s rise has been meteoric. He began his political career in the mid-nineties. In 1992, at the age of 22, he became a corporator, and five years later, in 1997, he became the youngest Mayor of the Nagpur Municipal Corporation.

(Sunil Gatade is a former associate editor with PTI. Venkatesh Kesari was an assistant editor with The Asian Age.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

With less than a week to go before the Maharashtra polls, election fever is intensifying. Both major coalitions have unveiled their manifestos. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has introduced the “Batenge to Katenge” slogan and its refined version, “Ek Hai to Safe Hai“, while the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) is relying on its familiar caste census strategy, promising to lift the 50% reservation cap.

Meanwhile, rebel candidates are flexing their muscles, aiming to disrupt both sides in this fierce contest. In a last-minute move to attract farmers facing agricultural distress, the MVA has promised a Minimum Support Price (MSP) of Rs. 7,000 per quintal for soybean.

After travelling across all six regions of Maharashtra, it remains difficult to determine which side holds the upper hand. The election has evolved into a hyper-local contest. Below are the findings from my journey:

Seat-By-Seat Contest

This election lacks a single overarching theme; instead, it comprises 288 localised battles. It’s a highly individualised contest where the image and accessibility of the incumbent MLA or candidate, local caste dynamics, power structures, and relationships outweigh manifesto promises and government performance. Voters are often undecided, and party symbols may not be significant. For instance, in Shrirampur, the Congress dropped a sitting MLA, who switched to the NCP (Ajit Pawar faction). The Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) has also fielded a candidate who was previously an MLA for two terms on a Congress ticket. All three main candidates share a Congress lineage.

Maratha vs. OBC, Dhangar vs. ST

The Maratha reservation demand has created a divide between Marathas and OBCs, particularly in Marathwada and parts of North Maharashtra. A clear Maratha vs. OBC polarisation can be observed in Manoj Jarange Patil’s stronghold, Marathwada, where the MVA led in 32 and the Mahayuti in 12 assembly segments in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. However, mixed signals from Manoj Jarangesuch as his withdrawal from the electoral race just 12 hours after announcing his support for specific candidates and accusations from his associates of colluding with Sharad Pawarhave somewhat weakened the movement.

Conversely, OBCs, including the Mali, Dhangar, and Vanjari communities, have rallied behind the Mahayuti after Pankaja Munde’s loss in the Lok Sabha elections. The potential inclusion of Dhangars in the ST list post-election has also caused tension. ST communities, wary of diminishing reservation quotas and disillusioned after the Supreme Court’s rejection of 100% reservation in gram panchayat jobs under the PESA Act, appear to lean towards the MVA.

Marathi vs. Gujarati Asmita

The MVA has invoked the Marathi asmita (pride) card, with Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar accusing the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of undermining regional parties that represent the Marathi identity. While this Marathi-Gujarati rivalry might resonate in urban areas, it is less impactful in rural regions with fewer migrants.

The ‘Betrayal’ Factor

The betrayal narrative, which benefited the MVA in the general elections, has weakened, but it still holds some influence. Research indicates that while the Sharad Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) captured 74% of the unified NCP vote, the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena secured 56% of the undivided Sena vote. In Western and Northern Maharashtra, Sharad Pawar’s support remains strong and could be decisive, especially in head-to-head battles with the Ajit Pawar faction. His sharp criticisms of Chhagan Bhujbal and Dilip Walse Patil, whom he branded as traitors, have put these leaders on the defensive.

Uddhav Thackeray, however, does not enjoy the same leverage over Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. The Thackerays had delegated control of the Thane-Konkan region to figures like Anant Dighe, Eknath Shinde, Uday Samant, and Narayan Rane, weakening their influence. In the 2024 general election, the Mahayuti led 27-12 in Thane-Konkan assembly segments. In Mumbai, Uddhav also faces a tough challenge from the BJP, which has deep roots there, with the MVA holding a 20-16 lead in assembly segments during the Lok Sabha elections.

The Weakening MVA Hold On Muslim And SC Voters

In the general elections, the MVA had consolidated significant support among Muslims (74%) and Dalits (46%). However, parties such as the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) are eroding some of this minority support. Additionally, parties like the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi (VBA), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Republican Party Of India (RPI), and smaller Ambedkarite parties are eating into the SC vote share. This weakening hold on Muslim and SC voters compared to the general elections is also reflected in the CSDS pre-poll report.

‘Laadki Bahin” Scheme

Women beneficiaries have shown positive responses to the “Laadki Bahin” Yojana, with around 80,000 women per assembly constituency receiving Rs. 6,000 to Rs. 7,500 over the last five months. It remains to be seen whether this will translate into votes, similar to the experience in Madhya Pradesh. Some women praise Shinde for the cash support, stating that politicians have historically looted state funds, and for the first time, someone is prioritising their needs.

However, other women are critical of the scheme due to high inflation, pointing out that the government is giving with one hand and taking away more with the other, thanks to rising prices of essential commodities. A small fraction also questions the timing of the scheme, likening it to voter bribery before the elections. Some men in families express dissatisfaction with the scheme, as the money is directed to women’s accounts instead of theirs.

Farmers’ Issues Significant, But Regional

Maharashtra’s economic paradox is stark: while it contributes 13% to the country’s GDP, it also accounts for 38% of farmer suicides nationwide. Mahayuti faced significant losses in Vidarbha, leading in only 19 seats compared to the MVA’s 43. Farmers struggling with severe agricultural and rural distress voted in large numbers against Mahayuti, protesting low crop prices. Additionally, in Nashik, farmers voiced anger over the ban on onion exports.

Rebels: A Disruptive Force

Rebels from various parties have filed nominations after being denied tickets, contributing to an average of 14.4 candidates per seat, up from 11.2 in 2019. Smaller parties and independents have historically held influence in Maharashtra, with an average of 25% vote share and winning 25-30 seats over the last five elections. While rebels may only win about 10% of seats, they pose a threat to the main parties by spoiling outcomes in many contests. In 2019, 71 seats were won by margins of less than 5%, and in 108 seats, the runner-up’s votes exceeded the winning margin.

Bread-And-Butter Issues Matter

Core issues such as inflation, unemployment, corruption, agricultural/rural distress, development, and infrastructure continue to shape the discourse. Whether these issues will significantly impact voting patterns or if emotional and identity-driven issues will dominate remains to be seen. The urban-rural divide further complicates electoral dynamics and analysis, with 45% of the state being urban.

MVA Loses Edge; Micro-Management Crucial

The advantage MVA had during the general elections has eroded over the past six months. Mahayuti’s course correction, including new schemes and manifesto promises, internal disputes among MVA partners over ticket distribution, and improved preparedness, have contributed to this shift. The contest has become highly competitiveessentially fifty-fiftymaking micro-management and election-day strategy critical for victory. Maharashtra has become a challenging battleground for pollsters and experts.

(Amitabh Tiwari is a political strategist and commentator. In his earlier avatar, he was a corporate and investment banker.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author