The Russia-Ukraine war started exactly two years ago. The very next day, on February 25, 2022, India abstained from voting on a draft resolution in the United Nations Security Council. In the course of the ongoing war, New Delhi has been abstaining from taking clear sides, much to the chagrin of establishments in both the European Union and the United States. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine, after a much-publicised visit to Moscow in July, in maintaining with India’s stated position of strategic neutrality, questions are being asked in global capitals about India’s motivations. This is the first time an Indian prime minister has visited an independent Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union. 

There have been enough domestic discussions on India’s purported role in world peace and other grand enterprise. Let’s bring realism back into the game now.

Decoupling From West Is Not An Option

Domestic chatter aside, what the Western world – the US, EU, UK nexus – thinks about India’s stand on the Russia-Ukraine conflict does, indeed, matter to India. No matter what the virulently nationalist ecosystem clamours for, decoupling from the West is not an option for India. It is not merely about diplomatic grandstanding. Since 2014, PM Modi has been making diplomatic and cultural gestures to bolster India-EU relations. There have been increased levels of engagement to secure crucial strategic and economic partnerships between India and the EU member states. While India’s relationship with Ukraine may not have been headline-making historically, its implications have not been any less significant. That explains why India has consistently decried Russian aggression against Ukraine.

With his visit to Kyiv, PM Modi may be revealing India’s growing transactions with the EU member states for its defence and strategic needs. After all, the Russian manpower and machines have put up a dismal performance in the current theatre. It’s high time Indian generals stopped defending the Russian infrastructure just because they, too, are dependent on it and must swear by its fierceness. India has options for its defence and modernisation needs and must use them. After all, what use are partnerships like the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) that the EU set up with India in April 2022?

Exports From Russia Are Dwindling

It needs to be brought back into the picture that India’s arms procurement from Russia saw a significant drop in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The trend has been continuing, and as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest reports, Russian exports to India have sharply declined from 76% in 2009–2013 to 36% in 2019-2024. While India remains the Russian arms industry’s biggest market, it’s also shopping from elsewhere, and that cart is getting bigger. A war-stressed Moscow is unlikely to meet New Delhi’s growing defence needs owing to the latter’s neighbourhood concerns.  

Au contraire, other countries are pushing their catalogues for New Delhi to browse. The French are coming hot and sexy with their Rafael jets and a “defence industrial roadmap” to jointly design and develop mechanical infrastructure. India and France have joined hands in building submarines, combat aircraft engines, and multi-role helicopters. Ukraine, accounting for 11% of India’s total defence imports, too, is an important partner. India is also deepening defence and security ties with countries like South Korea, South Africa and Poland. It is no coincidence that PM Modi made a pit stop in Poland before heading to Ukraine.

A Wise Move By India

By maintaining its stance of strategic neutrality, India is securing self-interest-driven allies in Europe and Asia without the overlordship of the US. It is a wise move on India’s part in keeping with the ever-looming shadow of China in the neighbourhood.  The US has exhibited reluctance to share crucial defence technology with India despite promises and agreements, like the one between General Electric and Indian partners for technology to power the new fleet of fighter jets. India knows better than to rely on the US, a country that holds its military-industrial complex dearer than any ideological principle. 

It is clear that India—while being on “the side of peace”—is keeping its national interests above everything else. Mykhailo Podolyak, a presidential adviser in Ukraine, acknowledges that India “really has a certain influence” over Russia. It is this reputation that India aims to, ought to capitalise on in its attempt to emerge as a dependable global negotiator. Only those who have power can negotiate, the rest only nudge. 

The timing for Modi’s Ukraine visit is almost perfect. India is not expected to use a magic wand to bring Moscow and Kyiv to the negotiating table. The military situation remains hot. Even minor dialling down of fighting, if at all, will be enough for India’s influence optics. No significant developments in the region can be expected till the US elects its next president. Till the US gets its house in order and views its NATO obligations afresh, the window is open for India to pedal hard towards its strategic goals—choosing realism over idealism and empty talk. 

(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based author and academic.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

The Russia-Ukraine war started exactly two years ago. The very next day, on February 25, 2022, India abstained from voting on a draft resolution in the United Nations Security Council. In the course of the ongoing war, New Delhi has been abstaining from taking clear sides, much to the chagrin of establishments in both the European Union and the United States. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine, after a much-publicised visit to Moscow in July, in maintaining with India’s stated position of strategic neutrality, questions are being asked in global capitals about India’s motivations. This is the first time an Indian prime minister has visited an independent Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union. 

There have been enough domestic discussions on India’s purported role in world peace and other grand enterprise. Let’s bring realism back into the game now.

Decoupling From West Is Not An Option

Domestic chatter aside, what the Western world – the US, EU, UK nexus – thinks about India’s stand on the Russia-Ukraine conflict does, indeed, matter to India. No matter what the virulently nationalist ecosystem clamours for, decoupling from the West is not an option for India. It is not merely about diplomatic grandstanding. Since 2014, PM Modi has been making diplomatic and cultural gestures to bolster India-EU relations. There have been increased levels of engagement to secure crucial strategic and economic partnerships between India and the EU member states. While India’s relationship with Ukraine may not have been headline-making historically, its implications have not been any less significant. That explains why India has consistently decried Russian aggression against Ukraine.

With his visit to Kyiv, PM Modi may be revealing India’s growing transactions with the EU member states for its defence and strategic needs. After all, the Russian manpower and machines have put up a dismal performance in the current theatre. It’s high time Indian generals stopped defending the Russian infrastructure just because they, too, are dependent on it and must swear by its fierceness. India has options for its defence and modernisation needs and must use them. After all, what use are partnerships like the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) that the EU set up with India in April 2022?

Exports From Russia Are Dwindling

It needs to be brought back into the picture that India’s arms procurement from Russia saw a significant drop in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The trend has been continuing, and as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest reports, Russian exports to India have sharply declined from 76% in 2009–2013 to 36% in 2019-2024. While India remains the Russian arms industry’s biggest market, it’s also shopping from elsewhere, and that cart is getting bigger. A war-stressed Moscow is unlikely to meet New Delhi’s growing defence needs owing to the latter’s neighbourhood concerns.  

Au contraire, other countries are pushing their catalogues for New Delhi to browse. The French are coming hot and sexy with their Rafael jets and a “defence industrial roadmap” to jointly design and develop mechanical infrastructure. India and France have joined hands in building submarines, combat aircraft engines, and multi-role helicopters. Ukraine, accounting for 11% of India’s total defence imports, too, is an important partner. India is also deepening defence and security ties with countries like South Korea, South Africa and Poland. It is no coincidence that PM Modi made a pit stop in Poland before heading to Ukraine.

A Wise Move By India

By maintaining its stance of strategic neutrality, India is securing self-interest-driven allies in Europe and Asia without the overlordship of the US. It is a wise move on India’s part in keeping with the ever-looming shadow of China in the neighbourhood.  The US has exhibited reluctance to share crucial defence technology with India despite promises and agreements, like the one between General Electric and Indian partners for technology to power the new fleet of fighter jets. India knows better than to rely on the US, a country that holds its military-industrial complex dearer than any ideological principle. 

It is clear that India—while being on “the side of peace”—is keeping its national interests above everything else. Mykhailo Podolyak, a presidential adviser in Ukraine, acknowledges that India “really has a certain influence” over Russia. It is this reputation that India aims to, ought to capitalise on in its attempt to emerge as a dependable global negotiator. Only those who have power can negotiate, the rest only nudge. 

The timing for Modi’s Ukraine visit is almost perfect. India is not expected to use a magic wand to bring Moscow and Kyiv to the negotiating table. The military situation remains hot. Even minor dialling down of fighting, if at all, will be enough for India’s influence optics. No significant developments in the region can be expected till the US elects its next president. Till the US gets its house in order and views its NATO obligations afresh, the window is open for India to pedal hard towards its strategic goals—choosing realism over idealism and empty talk. 

(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based author and academic.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Poland and Ukraine extends the geopolitical scope of India’s foreign policy. No Indian Prime Minister has visited Poland for the last 45 years. In recent years, Poland has acquired considerable weight within the European Union (EU). It is a large country in size and population, and it has seen impressive economic growth since 1992, making it the EU’s sixth-largest economy.

Modi has visited several countries that had not seen a prime ministerial visit from India for a very long time. This is part of a strategy to enlarge India’s global footprint in line with our aspirations to play a bigger role on the world stage. In that sense, a visit to Poland would have seemed overdue.

A Ukraine Visit Had Become Unavoidable

No Indian Prime Minister has visited Ukraine since its independence in 1991. India has had productive ties with Ukraine, especially in the defence area, but these have been adversely affected by its conflict with Russia flowing from the regime change in the country in 2014. Modi will be the first Indian prime minister to visit Ukraine. Whether the conditions for a prime ministerial visit to Ukraine at the strictly bilateral level exist currently can be debated. At the geopolitical level, however, it could be argued that a visit had become more or less unavoidable.

Poland’s hostility to Russia, anchored in history, is profound. The country’s current president and the foreign minister in particular, as well as the prime minister, reflect it in their statements. This visceral animus towards Russia also explains the depth of Poland’s ties with the US. Since 2008, Poland has hosted elements of the US anti-ballistic missile shield that the Russians believe is targeted against them, though the US claims that it is directed against Iran’s missile capability. Poland strongly backs Ukraine in its conflict with Russia. As it happens, the western part of Ukraine is historically linked to Poland.

Is This An Appropriate Time?

It can be argued that India needs to reach out to Central and East European countries to expand its political footprint within the EU, with which it seeks to strengthen ties. The issue, however, is whether it is opportune to do so at this moment when both Ukraine and Poland are locked up in a military confrontation with Russia as front-line states with US and NATO support.

A proxy war is being conducted against Russia through Ukraine, with full Polish support, with the declared goal of imposing a strategic defeat on Russia, causing its economic collapse and isolating it internationally, even if these goals have not been met yet. The question arises whether we need to defer to Russia’s sensitivities and concerns when it has been our privileged strategic partner for decades and has stood by us when we were under pressure from the West.

To what extent we should show solidarity with Russia and shun its adversaries when we have no quarrels with them, and, in this context, to what degree we should preserve the independence of our foreign policy and our strategic autonomy vis a vis all our major partners in the East and the West, are pertinent questions.

One can, of course, argue that we have not been deterred from forging increasingly close ties with the US, which is the principal promoter of the proxy war against Russia, or from our efforts to expand ties with the EU, or, within it, with countries like France and Germany, who are fuelling this proxy war too. This logic should dictate that we should not be inhibited from reaching out to Ukraine and Poland.

The Limits Of Foreign Policy

But then, foreign policy is not based on logic or principles applied mechanically. Policymakers have to assess where the balance of interests lies and the likely cost of not weighing the consequences of options taken. If we want to keep Russia firmly on our side, are there options we should eschew to avoid misunderstanding or create a perception that we are harming Moscow’s legitimate interests? We can, of course, assume that Russia is a mature power with great experience in diplomacy, and that it can assess whether a decision taken by us is to further our legitimate national interest and not intended to hurt Russia’s interests. India and Russia need not be on the same page on everything. Even the US and its allies in Europe have differences.

The issue in the case of Modi’s visit to Poland and Ukraine at this time is that both countries have eschewed the language of dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the Ukraine conflict, with Ukraine and its NATO backers favouring some military success on the ground in order to force Russia to come to the negotiating table. This strategy assumes that Russia wants to avoid a war with NATO, which gives room to the military alliance to support limited escalatory actions in order to keep imposing costs on Moscow. This is the NATO version of an attrition strategy that Russia mirrors when it assumes that NATO will get tired of supporting the war as it is imposing costs on member states, and that public fatigue is already setting in.

Being Consistent

From India’s point of view, after Modi’s visit to Russia for the annual summit with a clear intention to develop stronger economic ties, and the signal given to the West once again that India will preserve the equities of its ties with Moscow, a visit to Ukraine could be put on the agenda.

Modi seems to have told Putin during his visit that Zelenskyy was pressing him to visit Ukraine and that he planned to go. Putin, apparently, did not demur. It could be reasoned that for Modi to counsel dialogue and diplomacy in Russia as well as internationally, and then baulk at visiting Ukraine as part of promoting his message of dialogue and diplomacy on Ukrainian soil, would have seemed inconsistent.

The Kursk Incursion By Ukraine

Regrettably, Zelenskyy, by launching his highly symbolic incursion into Kursk a few days before Modi’s visit, has undercut its purpose. The US and others have been prodding India to play a helpful role in promoting a resolution of the conflict in Ukraine in view of New Delhi’s close ties with Moscow. They have been disingenuous in promoting this line. If the US wants to seriously engage in a dialogue with Russia to find ways to end the conflict, it does not need India’s intercession or that of any other country. Russia has said many times in the past that the key to a solution lies in US hands, not those of Europe or Ukraine.

In his post on X before departure, Modi said that in Ukraine, he wanted to “share his perspectives on the peaceful resolution of the ongoing Ukraine conflict” with Zelenskyy. This intriguing message suggests that he has a vision of how this conflict could be ended, which means he has in mind a broad perspective plan. In Moscow, Modi had said that he had well understood how Putin perceived the situation. But now, after Kursk, the Russian position has hardened, with Putin stating that there is no longer any room left for talks.

A Tricky Time In The US

No doubt, Zelenskyy will share his perspectives with Modi. And then what? Will India get into some sort of a mediatory role? Is that feasible when the US is in the throes of the presidential election, with Biden a lame-duck president who cannot change course because any retreat towards a search for peace after fuelling the conflict all these years could do damage to the Democratic party, as it would imply a failure of Biden’s Ukraine policy?

Even if Zelenskyy’s decision to make a territorial incursion into Russia has undermined Modi’s peace effort, India could always claim that in view of the worsening of the situation, Modi’s message against escalation and in favour of peace had become even more pressing and relevant.

Significantly, The Economist sees Modi’s visit to Ukraine as a “redemption”, implying that India has sinned and now it was seeking forgiveness from the West. This underlines how the West sees Modi’s visit. Presumably, this arrogant and presumptuous journal believes Modi is awaiting absolution from the high priests of defunct British imperialism.

(Kanwal Sibal was Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to Turkey, Egypt, France and Russia, and Deputy Chief Of Mission in Washington.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

New Delhi:

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is on a visit to Poland — a first for an Indian Prime Minister in more than four decades. The last Prime Minister to visit Poland was Morarji Desai in 1979.

Joking that the “first visit” had been one of the biggest headlines back home, he told a gathering of expat Indians that his recent visit to Austria has been another first in four decades. “It is my good fortune to bring about many firsts,” he added to laughter and cheers.

This string of firsts, he indicated, was due to a 180 degree shift in foreign policy.

“For decades, India’s policy was to maintain distance from all countries,” PM Modi said. “The situation has now changed… Today, India’s policy is to maintain close ties with all countries. Today’s India wants to connect with everyone,” he added, in a subtle jab at the Non-Aligned Movement of the 1970s under then Congress government.

“Today’s India is with everyone and thinks about everyone’s benefit. Today the world respects India as Vishwa Bandhu,” he added.

Over the last years, PM Modi has been to several nations — the one that made the biggest headlines being Israel. It acknowledged the shift in the ties between the two nations that was already in progress — from the traditional military-security paradigm to economic and developmental issues.

The current visit to Poland underscores India’s growing participation in matters involving Europe. In both the Russia-Ukraine conflict and Israel’s war on Hamas, PM Modi has played the role of a peacemaker. He is expected to visit Ukraine today.

Ahead of his departure, PM Modi said his visit marks 70 years of diplomatic relations with Poland, which is now also a “key economic partner in Central Europe”.

“Our bilateral trade is substantial. And it’s of the order of US$6 billion, which makes Poland India’s largest trading partner in Central and Eastern Europe. Indian investments in Poland are estimated at around US$3 billion. And the Polish investments into India are around US$1 billion,” the foreign ministry has said.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in Poland and Ukraine this week. Both visits are historic in their own ways: for Poland, this will be the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in 45 years, while for Ukraine, Modi’s will be the first-ever visit by an Indian Prime Minister. Where Modi has talked about India and Poland’s “mutual commitment to democracy and pluralism” reinforcing the bilateral relationship, he has expressed “hope for an early return of peace and stability” in Ukraine. 

Often, China and India are put in the same bracket when it comes to their response to the Ukraine war. But Modi’s visit to the country, which follows his much-controversial trip to Russia last month, is why the world shouldn’t compare them. 

India Is More Than Just A Mediator In Europe

Modi’s visit to Russia last month raised a lot of eyebrows as it was also his first visit abroad in his third term. There is now talk of India becoming a potential peacemaker in the Russia-Ukraine war. But that is missing the woods for the trees. Modi will be in Ukraine to underline that New Delhi’s position on the war remains consistent. Despite close ties with Russia and its decision not to publicly call out Russia as an aggressor, New Delhi has always maintained that the sanctity of territorial integrity and sovereignty remains inviolable in international affairs, and that dialogue and diplomacy is the only way to a sustainable outcome.

Unlike China, Modi publicly told Putin during his visit to Moscow that this was not the era of war, and expressed pain at the death of children after a lethal strike by Russia on Kyiv’s main hospital for children. At that time, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had denounced Modi for visiting Russia, calling the trip a “devastating blow to peace efforts”. But New Delhi has continued to maintain its ties with both Moscow and Kyiv throughout the course of the war over the last two and a half years, steadfast in its belief that both sides should be engaged if a lasting solution is to be found. 

A Renewed Vision For Europe

Europe is facing a moment of reckoning with growing internal challenges, a widening regional divide, a war that shows no signs of ending, a rising China, calls for isolationism in the US, and a fracturing of the post-Cold War security arrangement. The end of the Ukraine war will perhaps lay the foundations of a new security order in Europe, but that end is nowhere in sight as both sides search for favourable battlefield realities that they can potentially leverage at the negotiating table. It is at this critical juncture that Europe has started looking at India as a key partner.

And New Delhi has reciprocated. India now views Europe as central to its developmental and strategic priorities. This is borne by the extraordinary diplomatic investment the Modi government has made in imparting momentum to its ties with Europe. What has been an evolving feature of this outreach is India’s attempts to engage with different sub-regions of Europe, allowing New Delhi to focus on their core strengths. It is Central Europe that is now the focus, with Modi visiting Austria last month followed by Poland and Ukraine now. The region has developed its own unique voice on European matters, and especially after the Russian invasion, it has been critical in shaping the larger European response to regional and global issues.

Why Poland Matters To New Delhi

As for Modi’s visit to Poland, it is among the fastest-growing economies in Europe and has been vocal about its strategic aspirations to see Europe emerge as a key geopolitical actor on the global stage. Warsaw’s role will also be critical in shaping the European security architecture once the embers of war in Ukraine cool down. Its location makes it a hub of connectivity across Europe, and India enjoys a lot of goodwill. If India is to move beyond France, Germany and the UK in its European imagination, then building strong economic ties with Poland will be critical. Modi’s visit should lay the foundation for a long-term sustainable partnership with Warsaw.

It is in New Delhi’s interest that a sustainable security architecture takes shape in Europe as European stability is critical for a globally engaged India with critical equities in that geography. New Delhi won’t be playing the mediator. Its eyes are on the larger horizon, where India’s emergence as a credible partner of Europe is seen as important for ensuring that its own developmental and strategic priorities remain insulated from wider disruption. 

(Harsh V Pant is Vice-President for Studies at ORF)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Lodz, Poland:

Ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit, Lodz Governor Dorota Ryl emphasised that Poland views India as a “great partner” for business and other collaborations.

In an interview with ANI, Dorota Ryl mentioned that many business delegations from Poland visit India regularly. She underscored that PM Modi’s visit is of significant importance to Poland and the region.

Regarding PM Modi’s upcoming visit, she stated, “The visit of Prime Minister Modi is of great significance to Poland and the region. We see outstanding examples, such as Infosys, which employs over 3,000 people in the region, and more than 200 Indian MSMEs actively engaged in various businesses here. Numerous business delegations from Poland and the region travel to India, and Poland views India as a great partner for business and potential collaborations.”

The Deputy Mayor of Lodz, Adam Pustelnik, expressed his excitement about PM Modi’s visit to Poland and conveyed his high expectations for the outcomes. He noted that PM Modi is expected to hold discussions with Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Polish President Andrzej Duda.

On his expectations from PM Modi’s visit, Pustelnik said, “I’m very, very happy that Prime Minister Modi is coming to our country and that he will engage in dialogue with our key leaders, including the Prime Minister and the President. I think it’s a truly unique moment.”

He added, “It’s difficult for me to formulate expectations. Instead, I would ask what we can do for India and how we can contribute to our mutual relations and growth. I believe this visit is one of the most important in recent times, and I have very high hopes for its results.”

Amit Lath, Vice President of the Indo-Polish Chamber of Commerce and a Pravasi Bharatiya awardee, described PM Modi’s upcoming visit to Poland as “historic.” He emphasised that this visit presents numerous opportunities for collaboration between the two nations.

“This is a historic visit, as an Indian Prime Minister is visiting Poland after 45 years. The last visit was by Morarji Desai in 1979. This milestone is an important step forward for India and Poland to build a strong partnership. Poland, often referred to as the ‘tiger of the economy’ in Central Europe, is among the top five economies in Europe. Poland’s strategic location allows it to serve Central, Eastern, and Western Europe effectively. During this visit, I am confident that many areas of collaboration and cooperation will be discussed, benefiting both governments and businesses,” he stated.

“We have been in Poland for 25 years, and I’ve observed significant growth in business… Indian vegetarian food has become a new trend. It’s something people talk about a lot. In Europe, when people hear about vegetarian food, they ask what there is to eat, and we introduce them to Indian cuisine–naan, kulcha, parathas, samosas, and so many diverse dishes from across India. This strengthens relationships and ties between the two countries. Food, after all, is a universal language that connects us,” he added.

Lath also highlighted the growth of business in India under PM Modi’s leadership, noting, “This is a new India, and it has been growing rapidly over the last decade. When we travel worldwide, we can see the difference. Leadership plays a crucial role. With the world’s youngest population, India excites people in Europe, who often describe India as a dream destination. It’s heartening to hear that many people want to visit India, and many have already done so, whether through business delegations or private visits.”

He pointed out potential areas for collaboration between India and Poland, including the pharma sector, agriculture, and the food industry.

When asked about sectors where the two nations could collaborate, he said, “The pharma sector is a significant one where Poland plays a crucial role, and many Indian companies could collaborate. The IT sector is already present, but there is much scope for further cooperation. Additionally, agriculture and the food industry offer ample opportunities for collaboration.”

PM Modi will be visiting Poland on August 21-22 at the invitation of his Polish counterpart, Donald Tusk. MEA Secretary (West) Tanmaya Lal described this visit as “landmark,” marking the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to Poland in 45 years.

In a special briefing on Monday, Tanmaya Lal said, “PM Narendra Modi will undertake an official visit to Poland on August 21 and 22, at the invitation of PM Donald Tusk. This is a landmark visit, as it’s the first by an Indian Prime Minister to Poland in 45 years. The visit coincides with the 70th anniversary of our diplomatic relations.”

“This historic visit, in a landmark year for India-Poland relations, will provide an opportunity for our leaders to review the bilateral relationship, offer guidance on enhancing it in various areas, and discuss regional and global issues of mutual interest,” he added.

Lal also recalled the long-standing ties between India and Poland, highlighting Poland’s assistance to India in evacuating students from Ukraine during the 2022 conflict, as well as the episode from the 1940s when over 6,000 Polish women and children found refuge in the princely states of Jamnagar and Kolhapur.

“The Indian community in Poland is estimated to be around 25,000, including approximately 5,000 students. The government and people of Poland provided valuable assistance during ‘Operation Ganga,’ which evacuated more than 4,000 Indian students from Ukraine via Poland in 2022. One unique bond between our countries dates back to the 1940s during World War II when over 6,000 Polish women and children were given refuge in Jamnagar and Kolhapur,” Tanmaya Lal said.

During his visit, PM Modi will hold meetings with his Polish counterpart and the President, and will also engage with the Indian community. He will be accorded a ceremonial welcome in Warsaw. After concluding his visit to Poland, PM Modi will travel to Ukraine.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Kylian Mbappe scored a penalty on his return after breaking his nose but Robert Lewandowski‘s reply meant France and Poland drew 1-1 in their final group game at Euro 2024 on Tuesday. The result, combined with Austria’s 3-2 victory over the Netherlands at the same time, means France finish second in Group D with one win and two draws. Wearing a mask to protect his injured nose, Mbappe rolled in a spot-kick to put France ahead early in the second half in Dortmund after Ousmane Dembele was brought down in the Poland area. It was Mbappe’s first ever goal at a European Championship, and the first scored by a France player at this year’s tournament — their only prior counter was an own goal by Austria’s Maximilian Woeber.

Yet Lewandowski, Poland’s all-time top scorer who was himself starting for the first time at Euro 2024 after a thigh injury, equalised from a penalty at the other end 11 minutes from time.

His first kick was saved by Mike Maignan, but Lewandowski was allowed a retake as the France goalkeeper came off his line before the ball had been struck.

France will now head to Duesseldorf for a last-16 tie next Monday against the runners-up in Group E, which will be Belgium, Romania, Slovakia or Ukraine.

More significantly, they are now on the same side of the draw as Portugal, Spain and Germany, which they would have avoided by topping the group.

Often imprecise and lacking in intensity here, the 2022 World Cup runners-up will certainly need to improve on this performance, and their previous group outings, if they are to win the competition.

Poland had already been eliminated before this game, becoming the first team to go out after losing their opening two matches.

This result at least allowed Michal Probierz’s side to rescue some pride and gave some cheer to their large support.

It was not just the return of the masked Mbappe — who missed France’s 0-0 draw with the Netherlands — that was notable when the line-ups were announced, with Antoine Griezmann unusually left out of the starting XI.

Instead Bradley Barcola got his first start for his country as coach Didier Deschamps went with the front three that played together for Paris Saint-Germain over the past season.

Lewandowski, returning to the stadium where he made his name with Borussia Dortmund a decade ago, had one big chance in the first half, heading wide while unmarked from Piotr Zielinski‘s cross.

Mbappe spent much of the opening period struggling to get into the game, occasionally stopping to adjust his mask, and removing it entirely during a drinks break in sweltering conditions.

Theo Hernandez was the first France player to test Lukasz Skorupski, starting in goal instead of Wojciech Szczesny who is set to retire from the Poland team soon after the Euros.

Meanwhile Mbappe started to come to life towards the end of the opening half.

On two separate occasions he quickly exchanged passes with Barcola on the left side of the box before having a shot saved by Skorupski.

The Bologna goalkeeper then dived to his left to keep out a trademark Mbappe curler just after the restart, but there was nothing he could do about the penalty which broke the deadlock on 56 minutes.

Dembele’s end product had been almost non-existent until he produced a burst of pace on the right as he broke into the box, and all Jakub Kiwior could do was chop him down.

Italian referee Marco Guida immediately pointed to the spot, and Mbappe rolled in his kick before removing his mask as he ran off to celebrate.

Yet Poland did not lie down, and won a penalty of their own when substitute Karol Swiderski was tripped by Dayot Upamecano.

The referee initially waved play on, before changing his mind and pointing to the spot after being coaxed across to the VAR monitor.

Maignan saved Lewandowski’s first attempt after a stuttering run-up, but the Barcelona striker made no mistake at the second time of asking.

France vs Poland Live Streaming Euro 2024 Live Telecast: When And Where To Watch© AFP

The 2024 European Championship has been a breath of fresh air as 24 countries have been battling it out for the past week in an attempt to break through to the Round Of 16. The top two teams from each of the six groups will qualify to the next round with the four of the six best placed teams that finish third will also be guaranteed qualification. Hosts Germany, Spain and Portugal are the only three teams that have secured qualification as of now. Here are the qualification scenarios for each group heading into the final game-week

Group A: Germany vs Switzerland, Scotland vs Hungary

The Germans won their opening games against Scotland and Hungary which was enough for the hosts to guarantee their spot in the next round. In the history of the tournament, no team has ever failed to qualify for the knockout stages after getting four points which means Switzerland already have one foot in the Round of 16.

Scotland on the other hand have never qualified for the knockouts at the tournament and the side is aiming to achieve history if they were to win against Hungary in their final game. A win would take them to four points and although it would be difficult for them to overcome the six-goal difference that stands between them and the Swiss, A third place finish with four points could very likely see them qualify.

However a draw would see the side be in a very unlikely position to qualify depending on results from other groups.

Group B: Spain vs Albania, Italy vs Croatia

Spain has begun the tournament on the right note, securing qualification in the ‘Group of Death,’ in the second game week will see the side breathe a sigh of relief heading into their final fixture with Albania. Italy on the other hand will need to avoid defeat to secure their place in the next round. Croatia and Albania would both need to win to confirm qualification.

Group C: England vs Slovenia, Serbia vs Denmark

England must avoid defeat against Slovenia in their last group game to advance from Group C. A win will ensure Gareth Southgate’s team advances as group champions. If Denmark fails to beat Serbia, England will qualify regardless of the outcome against Slovenia.

Denmark and Slovenia will advance automatically as winners. Serbia will finish in the top two if they beat Denmark and Slovenia does not overcome England.

Group D: Netherlands vs Austria, France vs Poland

Poland became the first team to be eliminated from the race to the knockouts as they lost their opening two games against Netherlands and Austria.

Netherlands and France currently occupy the top two positions respectively after wins in their opening game followed by a draw against each other sees both teams at four points each and Austria not far behind with three points to their name.

If both France and the Dutch were to avoid defeat then they would guarantee qualification. However Austria will finish in the top two if they beat the Netherlands.

Group E: Ukraine v Belgium, Slovakia v Romania

This marks the first time in Euros history that all four teams have the identical number of points after two games. All four clubs know that a win on Wednesday will advance them to the round of 16, but no team can guarantee first place with a win.

A point will suffice for Belgium, who play Ukraine, and Romania, who face Slovakia.

If both games are drawn, goal difference will determine who finishes where (because all teams have the identical head-to-head points). Belgium and Romania will advance, with Slovakia aiming to be one of the top third-placed teams. Ukraine would be out.

Group F: Portugal vs Georgia, Czech Republic vs Turkey

Portugal have already qualified for the knockout stages of the tournament and they will be the table toppers if they were to avoid defeat against Georgia.

Both Czech Republic and Georgia will need to win if they want a shot at qualifying in the top two of the table. Georgia would also require Turkey to lose their game against Czech with the goal difference playing a part.

Austria, Slovakia, Slovenia and Albania are the top four best third placed teams in the tournament as of now.