Russian President Vladimir Putin and his rumoured partner, former Olympic gymnast Alina Kabaeva, have two sons-ages five and nine-according to the Dossier Centre, a report in Forbes claimed. The outlet has attributed the info to a Russian investigative organisation that cited unnamed sources who claimed to regularly see the children.

The portal claims that the couple’s children are growing up in a highly secured residence in complete privacy. The boys live a solitary existence away from the spotlight and seldom see their parents.

Also Read | Vladimir Putin Buys Luxury Mansion, Shares It With “Girlfriend” Alina Kabaeva: Report

Mr Putin, 71, has declared in public that he is the father of two daughters, Maria, 39, and Katerina, 38, with his former spouse Lyudmila Putin, whom he wed in 1983.

The Dossier Centre claims Ms Kabaeva and Mr Putin started dating in 2008, which was six years prior to the official end of his divorce from Lyudmila. According to the report, Ms Kabaeva, 41, gave birth to Ivan in a maternity centre in Lugano, Switzerland, and to Vladimir Jr in Moscow.

Both Ivan and Vladimir Jr live in Mr Putin’s mansion northwest of Moscow, though they have no interaction with other children their age, the Dossier Centre report claimed, and they receive music lessons and have personal trainers for swimming and artistic gymnastics.

Ivan has reportedly competed in artistic gymnastics competitions and often plays in hockey matches with his father.

Last year, a report about Russian President Vladimir Putin secretly spending millions on his girlfriend to buy big properties for her and their young children came out. The Telegraph claimed that the leader allegedly funnelled millions in illicit funds to buy a big mansion and a large penthouse for his girlfriend, Alina Kabaeva.

US researchers recently located the deployment site of Russia’s new nuclear-powered, nuclear-armed cruise missile, the 9M370 Burevestnik. Nicknamed “flying Chernobyl,” the missile has been touted by President Putin as “invincible.”

Here’s your 5-point cheatsheet to this deadly weapon:

Kurchatov, Russia:

UN nuclear watchdog head Rafael Grossi kicked off a visit Tuesday to “independently assess” conditions at Russia’s Kursk nuclear plant following Ukraine’s unprecedented cross-border offensive into the Russian region.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has repeatedly warned of the dangers of fighting around nuclear plants following Russia’s full-scale military offensive into Ukraine in February 2022.

A spokesperson for Russia’s nuclear agency, Rosatom, told AFP that Grossi had arrived at the power plant as he personally leads a mission to assess the situation there, which he has warned is “serious”.

In the first days of the conflict, Russian forces seized the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant in southern Ukraine, and also briefly held the decommissioned Chernobyl plant in the north.

Ukraine launched its surprise incursion into Kursk on August 6 and has said it is making advances, even as Russian forces move deeper into eastern Ukraine.

Russian President Vladimir Putin last week accused Ukraine of trying to attack the Kursk nuclear power plant, which is less than 50 kilometres (30 miles) from fighting between Russian and Ukrainian forces.

The IAEA confirmed that it had been told by Russian authorities that drone fragments were found last Thursday roughly 100 metres from the Kursk plant’s spent nuclear fuel storage facility.

Serious situation

Grossi said Monday he would “independently assess what is happening” at the plant, “given the serious situation”.

“The safety and security of all nuclear power plants is of central and fundamental concern to the IAEA,” Grossi said in a statement.

The plant lies some 60 kilometres from the Russia-Ukraine border, next to the Seym river, and less than 50 kilometres away from Kursk city, the region’s capital with a population of around 440,000.

The plant has four reactor units though only two are operational and two more reactors are under construction.

All four reactors are the same type as Ukraine’s Chernobyl nuclear power plant, without a protecting dome around them.

In 1986, a reactor at Chernobyl exploded during a botched safety test, resulting in the world’s worst nuclear accident that sent clouds of radiation across much of Europe and forced tens of thousands of people to evacuate.

Tariq Rauf, a former IAEA official, said these types of reactors have since undergone “significant safety upgrades”.

Robert Kelley, a former IAEA director of inspections, said: “The possibility of a Chernobyl-type incident with the reactor blowing up and burning for days is zero.”

But he added that an errant bomb or large artillery strike on spent fuel storage ponds could damage the fuel and release radioactive gases and particles.

Maximum restraint

Russia has repeatedly sounded the alarm over a possible hit since Ukrainian troops and tanks charged into Kursk.

The IAEA urged both Russia and Ukraine to exercise “maximum restraint” to “avoid a nuclear accident with the potential for serious radiological consequences”.

On Sunday, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky said Ukrainian forces had taken control of two more Russian settlements in Kursk region, adding to dozens already captured.

More than 130,000 people have been displaced so far.

Kyiv has said the offensive aims to prevent cross-border strikes from Russia into its Sumy region and to force Russia to the negotiating table “on our own terms”.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

The Russia-Ukraine war started exactly two years ago. The very next day, on February 25, 2022, India abstained from voting on a draft resolution in the United Nations Security Council. In the course of the ongoing war, New Delhi has been abstaining from taking clear sides, much to the chagrin of establishments in both the European Union and the United States. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine, after a much-publicised visit to Moscow in July, in maintaining with India’s stated position of strategic neutrality, questions are being asked in global capitals about India’s motivations. This is the first time an Indian prime minister has visited an independent Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union. 

There have been enough domestic discussions on India’s purported role in world peace and other grand enterprise. Let’s bring realism back into the game now.

Decoupling From West Is Not An Option

Domestic chatter aside, what the Western world – the US, EU, UK nexus – thinks about India’s stand on the Russia-Ukraine conflict does, indeed, matter to India. No matter what the virulently nationalist ecosystem clamours for, decoupling from the West is not an option for India. It is not merely about diplomatic grandstanding. Since 2014, PM Modi has been making diplomatic and cultural gestures to bolster India-EU relations. There have been increased levels of engagement to secure crucial strategic and economic partnerships between India and the EU member states. While India’s relationship with Ukraine may not have been headline-making historically, its implications have not been any less significant. That explains why India has consistently decried Russian aggression against Ukraine.

With his visit to Kyiv, PM Modi may be revealing India’s growing transactions with the EU member states for its defence and strategic needs. After all, the Russian manpower and machines have put up a dismal performance in the current theatre. It’s high time Indian generals stopped defending the Russian infrastructure just because they, too, are dependent on it and must swear by its fierceness. India has options for its defence and modernisation needs and must use them. After all, what use are partnerships like the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) that the EU set up with India in April 2022?

Exports From Russia Are Dwindling

It needs to be brought back into the picture that India’s arms procurement from Russia saw a significant drop in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The trend has been continuing, and as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest reports, Russian exports to India have sharply declined from 76% in 2009–2013 to 36% in 2019-2024. While India remains the Russian arms industry’s biggest market, it’s also shopping from elsewhere, and that cart is getting bigger. A war-stressed Moscow is unlikely to meet New Delhi’s growing defence needs owing to the latter’s neighbourhood concerns.  

Au contraire, other countries are pushing their catalogues for New Delhi to browse. The French are coming hot and sexy with their Rafael jets and a “defence industrial roadmap” to jointly design and develop mechanical infrastructure. India and France have joined hands in building submarines, combat aircraft engines, and multi-role helicopters. Ukraine, accounting for 11% of India’s total defence imports, too, is an important partner. India is also deepening defence and security ties with countries like South Korea, South Africa and Poland. It is no coincidence that PM Modi made a pit stop in Poland before heading to Ukraine.

A Wise Move By India

By maintaining its stance of strategic neutrality, India is securing self-interest-driven allies in Europe and Asia without the overlordship of the US. It is a wise move on India’s part in keeping with the ever-looming shadow of China in the neighbourhood.  The US has exhibited reluctance to share crucial defence technology with India despite promises and agreements, like the one between General Electric and Indian partners for technology to power the new fleet of fighter jets. India knows better than to rely on the US, a country that holds its military-industrial complex dearer than any ideological principle. 

It is clear that India—while being on “the side of peace”—is keeping its national interests above everything else. Mykhailo Podolyak, a presidential adviser in Ukraine, acknowledges that India “really has a certain influence” over Russia. It is this reputation that India aims to, ought to capitalise on in its attempt to emerge as a dependable global negotiator. Only those who have power can negotiate, the rest only nudge. 

The timing for Modi’s Ukraine visit is almost perfect. India is not expected to use a magic wand to bring Moscow and Kyiv to the negotiating table. The military situation remains hot. Even minor dialling down of fighting, if at all, will be enough for India’s influence optics. No significant developments in the region can be expected till the US elects its next president. Till the US gets its house in order and views its NATO obligations afresh, the window is open for India to pedal hard towards its strategic goals—choosing realism over idealism and empty talk. 

(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based author and academic.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

The Russia-Ukraine war started exactly two years ago. The very next day, on February 25, 2022, India abstained from voting on a draft resolution in the United Nations Security Council. In the course of the ongoing war, New Delhi has been abstaining from taking clear sides, much to the chagrin of establishments in both the European Union and the United States. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits Ukraine, after a much-publicised visit to Moscow in July, in maintaining with India’s stated position of strategic neutrality, questions are being asked in global capitals about India’s motivations. This is the first time an Indian prime minister has visited an independent Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union. 

There have been enough domestic discussions on India’s purported role in world peace and other grand enterprise. Let’s bring realism back into the game now.

Decoupling From West Is Not An Option

Domestic chatter aside, what the Western world – the US, EU, UK nexus – thinks about India’s stand on the Russia-Ukraine conflict does, indeed, matter to India. No matter what the virulently nationalist ecosystem clamours for, decoupling from the West is not an option for India. It is not merely about diplomatic grandstanding. Since 2014, PM Modi has been making diplomatic and cultural gestures to bolster India-EU relations. There have been increased levels of engagement to secure crucial strategic and economic partnerships between India and the EU member states. While India’s relationship with Ukraine may not have been headline-making historically, its implications have not been any less significant. That explains why India has consistently decried Russian aggression against Ukraine.

With his visit to Kyiv, PM Modi may be revealing India’s growing transactions with the EU member states for its defence and strategic needs. After all, the Russian manpower and machines have put up a dismal performance in the current theatre. It’s high time Indian generals stopped defending the Russian infrastructure just because they, too, are dependent on it and must swear by its fierceness. India has options for its defence and modernisation needs and must use them. After all, what use are partnerships like the Trade and Technology Council (TTC) that the EU set up with India in April 2022?

Exports From Russia Are Dwindling

It needs to be brought back into the picture that India’s arms procurement from Russia saw a significant drop in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014. The trend has been continuing, and as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest reports, Russian exports to India have sharply declined from 76% in 2009–2013 to 36% in 2019-2024. While India remains the Russian arms industry’s biggest market, it’s also shopping from elsewhere, and that cart is getting bigger. A war-stressed Moscow is unlikely to meet New Delhi’s growing defence needs owing to the latter’s neighbourhood concerns.  

Au contraire, other countries are pushing their catalogues for New Delhi to browse. The French are coming hot and sexy with their Rafael jets and a “defence industrial roadmap” to jointly design and develop mechanical infrastructure. India and France have joined hands in building submarines, combat aircraft engines, and multi-role helicopters. Ukraine, accounting for 11% of India’s total defence imports, too, is an important partner. India is also deepening defence and security ties with countries like South Korea, South Africa and Poland. It is no coincidence that PM Modi made a pit stop in Poland before heading to Ukraine.

A Wise Move By India

By maintaining its stance of strategic neutrality, India is securing self-interest-driven allies in Europe and Asia without the overlordship of the US. It is a wise move on India’s part in keeping with the ever-looming shadow of China in the neighbourhood.  The US has exhibited reluctance to share crucial defence technology with India despite promises and agreements, like the one between General Electric and Indian partners for technology to power the new fleet of fighter jets. India knows better than to rely on the US, a country that holds its military-industrial complex dearer than any ideological principle. 

It is clear that India—while being on “the side of peace”—is keeping its national interests above everything else. Mykhailo Podolyak, a presidential adviser in Ukraine, acknowledges that India “really has a certain influence” over Russia. It is this reputation that India aims to, ought to capitalise on in its attempt to emerge as a dependable global negotiator. Only those who have power can negotiate, the rest only nudge. 

The timing for Modi’s Ukraine visit is almost perfect. India is not expected to use a magic wand to bring Moscow and Kyiv to the negotiating table. The military situation remains hot. Even minor dialling down of fighting, if at all, will be enough for India’s influence optics. No significant developments in the region can be expected till the US elects its next president. Till the US gets its house in order and views its NATO obligations afresh, the window is open for India to pedal hard towards its strategic goals—choosing realism over idealism and empty talk. 

(Nishtha Gautam is a Delhi-based author and academic.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Poland and Ukraine extends the geopolitical scope of India’s foreign policy. No Indian Prime Minister has visited Poland for the last 45 years. In recent years, Poland has acquired considerable weight within the European Union (EU). It is a large country in size and population, and it has seen impressive economic growth since 1992, making it the EU’s sixth-largest economy.

Modi has visited several countries that had not seen a prime ministerial visit from India for a very long time. This is part of a strategy to enlarge India’s global footprint in line with our aspirations to play a bigger role on the world stage. In that sense, a visit to Poland would have seemed overdue.

A Ukraine Visit Had Become Unavoidable

No Indian Prime Minister has visited Ukraine since its independence in 1991. India has had productive ties with Ukraine, especially in the defence area, but these have been adversely affected by its conflict with Russia flowing from the regime change in the country in 2014. Modi will be the first Indian prime minister to visit Ukraine. Whether the conditions for a prime ministerial visit to Ukraine at the strictly bilateral level exist currently can be debated. At the geopolitical level, however, it could be argued that a visit had become more or less unavoidable.

Poland’s hostility to Russia, anchored in history, is profound. The country’s current president and the foreign minister in particular, as well as the prime minister, reflect it in their statements. This visceral animus towards Russia also explains the depth of Poland’s ties with the US. Since 2008, Poland has hosted elements of the US anti-ballistic missile shield that the Russians believe is targeted against them, though the US claims that it is directed against Iran’s missile capability. Poland strongly backs Ukraine in its conflict with Russia. As it happens, the western part of Ukraine is historically linked to Poland.

Is This An Appropriate Time?

It can be argued that India needs to reach out to Central and East European countries to expand its political footprint within the EU, with which it seeks to strengthen ties. The issue, however, is whether it is opportune to do so at this moment when both Ukraine and Poland are locked up in a military confrontation with Russia as front-line states with US and NATO support.

A proxy war is being conducted against Russia through Ukraine, with full Polish support, with the declared goal of imposing a strategic defeat on Russia, causing its economic collapse and isolating it internationally, even if these goals have not been met yet. The question arises whether we need to defer to Russia’s sensitivities and concerns when it has been our privileged strategic partner for decades and has stood by us when we were under pressure from the West.

To what extent we should show solidarity with Russia and shun its adversaries when we have no quarrels with them, and, in this context, to what degree we should preserve the independence of our foreign policy and our strategic autonomy vis a vis all our major partners in the East and the West, are pertinent questions.

One can, of course, argue that we have not been deterred from forging increasingly close ties with the US, which is the principal promoter of the proxy war against Russia, or from our efforts to expand ties with the EU, or, within it, with countries like France and Germany, who are fuelling this proxy war too. This logic should dictate that we should not be inhibited from reaching out to Ukraine and Poland.

The Limits Of Foreign Policy

But then, foreign policy is not based on logic or principles applied mechanically. Policymakers have to assess where the balance of interests lies and the likely cost of not weighing the consequences of options taken. If we want to keep Russia firmly on our side, are there options we should eschew to avoid misunderstanding or create a perception that we are harming Moscow’s legitimate interests? We can, of course, assume that Russia is a mature power with great experience in diplomacy, and that it can assess whether a decision taken by us is to further our legitimate national interest and not intended to hurt Russia’s interests. India and Russia need not be on the same page on everything. Even the US and its allies in Europe have differences.

The issue in the case of Modi’s visit to Poland and Ukraine at this time is that both countries have eschewed the language of dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the Ukraine conflict, with Ukraine and its NATO backers favouring some military success on the ground in order to force Russia to come to the negotiating table. This strategy assumes that Russia wants to avoid a war with NATO, which gives room to the military alliance to support limited escalatory actions in order to keep imposing costs on Moscow. This is the NATO version of an attrition strategy that Russia mirrors when it assumes that NATO will get tired of supporting the war as it is imposing costs on member states, and that public fatigue is already setting in.

Being Consistent

From India’s point of view, after Modi’s visit to Russia for the annual summit with a clear intention to develop stronger economic ties, and the signal given to the West once again that India will preserve the equities of its ties with Moscow, a visit to Ukraine could be put on the agenda.

Modi seems to have told Putin during his visit that Zelenskyy was pressing him to visit Ukraine and that he planned to go. Putin, apparently, did not demur. It could be reasoned that for Modi to counsel dialogue and diplomacy in Russia as well as internationally, and then baulk at visiting Ukraine as part of promoting his message of dialogue and diplomacy on Ukrainian soil, would have seemed inconsistent.

The Kursk Incursion By Ukraine

Regrettably, Zelenskyy, by launching his highly symbolic incursion into Kursk a few days before Modi’s visit, has undercut its purpose. The US and others have been prodding India to play a helpful role in promoting a resolution of the conflict in Ukraine in view of New Delhi’s close ties with Moscow. They have been disingenuous in promoting this line. If the US wants to seriously engage in a dialogue with Russia to find ways to end the conflict, it does not need India’s intercession or that of any other country. Russia has said many times in the past that the key to a solution lies in US hands, not those of Europe or Ukraine.

In his post on X before departure, Modi said that in Ukraine, he wanted to “share his perspectives on the peaceful resolution of the ongoing Ukraine conflict” with Zelenskyy. This intriguing message suggests that he has a vision of how this conflict could be ended, which means he has in mind a broad perspective plan. In Moscow, Modi had said that he had well understood how Putin perceived the situation. But now, after Kursk, the Russian position has hardened, with Putin stating that there is no longer any room left for talks.

A Tricky Time In The US

No doubt, Zelenskyy will share his perspectives with Modi. And then what? Will India get into some sort of a mediatory role? Is that feasible when the US is in the throes of the presidential election, with Biden a lame-duck president who cannot change course because any retreat towards a search for peace after fuelling the conflict all these years could do damage to the Democratic party, as it would imply a failure of Biden’s Ukraine policy?

Even if Zelenskyy’s decision to make a territorial incursion into Russia has undermined Modi’s peace effort, India could always claim that in view of the worsening of the situation, Modi’s message against escalation and in favour of peace had become even more pressing and relevant.

Significantly, The Economist sees Modi’s visit to Ukraine as a “redemption”, implying that India has sinned and now it was seeking forgiveness from the West. This underlines how the West sees Modi’s visit. Presumably, this arrogant and presumptuous journal believes Modi is awaiting absolution from the high priests of defunct British imperialism.

(Kanwal Sibal was Foreign Secretary and Ambassador to Turkey, Egypt, France and Russia, and Deputy Chief Of Mission in Washington.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in Poland and Ukraine this week. Both visits are historic in their own ways: for Poland, this will be the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in 45 years, while for Ukraine, Modi’s will be the first-ever visit by an Indian Prime Minister. Where Modi has talked about India and Poland’s “mutual commitment to democracy and pluralism” reinforcing the bilateral relationship, he has expressed “hope for an early return of peace and stability” in Ukraine. 

Often, China and India are put in the same bracket when it comes to their response to the Ukraine war. But Modi’s visit to the country, which follows his much-controversial trip to Russia last month, is why the world shouldn’t compare them. 

India Is More Than Just A Mediator In Europe

Modi’s visit to Russia last month raised a lot of eyebrows as it was also his first visit abroad in his third term. There is now talk of India becoming a potential peacemaker in the Russia-Ukraine war. But that is missing the woods for the trees. Modi will be in Ukraine to underline that New Delhi’s position on the war remains consistent. Despite close ties with Russia and its decision not to publicly call out Russia as an aggressor, New Delhi has always maintained that the sanctity of territorial integrity and sovereignty remains inviolable in international affairs, and that dialogue and diplomacy is the only way to a sustainable outcome.

Unlike China, Modi publicly told Putin during his visit to Moscow that this was not the era of war, and expressed pain at the death of children after a lethal strike by Russia on Kyiv’s main hospital for children. At that time, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had denounced Modi for visiting Russia, calling the trip a “devastating blow to peace efforts”. But New Delhi has continued to maintain its ties with both Moscow and Kyiv throughout the course of the war over the last two and a half years, steadfast in its belief that both sides should be engaged if a lasting solution is to be found. 

A Renewed Vision For Europe

Europe is facing a moment of reckoning with growing internal challenges, a widening regional divide, a war that shows no signs of ending, a rising China, calls for isolationism in the US, and a fracturing of the post-Cold War security arrangement. The end of the Ukraine war will perhaps lay the foundations of a new security order in Europe, but that end is nowhere in sight as both sides search for favourable battlefield realities that they can potentially leverage at the negotiating table. It is at this critical juncture that Europe has started looking at India as a key partner.

And New Delhi has reciprocated. India now views Europe as central to its developmental and strategic priorities. This is borne by the extraordinary diplomatic investment the Modi government has made in imparting momentum to its ties with Europe. What has been an evolving feature of this outreach is India’s attempts to engage with different sub-regions of Europe, allowing New Delhi to focus on their core strengths. It is Central Europe that is now the focus, with Modi visiting Austria last month followed by Poland and Ukraine now. The region has developed its own unique voice on European matters, and especially after the Russian invasion, it has been critical in shaping the larger European response to regional and global issues.

Why Poland Matters To New Delhi

As for Modi’s visit to Poland, it is among the fastest-growing economies in Europe and has been vocal about its strategic aspirations to see Europe emerge as a key geopolitical actor on the global stage. Warsaw’s role will also be critical in shaping the European security architecture once the embers of war in Ukraine cool down. Its location makes it a hub of connectivity across Europe, and India enjoys a lot of goodwill. If India is to move beyond France, Germany and the UK in its European imagination, then building strong economic ties with Poland will be critical. Modi’s visit should lay the foundation for a long-term sustainable partnership with Warsaw.

It is in New Delhi’s interest that a sustainable security architecture takes shape in Europe as European stability is critical for a globally engaged India with critical equities in that geography. New Delhi won’t be playing the mediator. Its eyes are on the larger horizon, where India’s emergence as a credible partner of Europe is seen as important for ensuring that its own developmental and strategic priorities remain insulated from wider disruption. 

(Harsh V Pant is Vice-President for Studies at ORF)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author

Moscow:

Ukraine lobbed missiles and drones at Russia’s southwest region of Kursk overnight, the local governor said Wednesday, a day after pro-Kyiv forces crossed across the border with tanks and armoured vehicles.

“Two Ukrainian missiles were shot down by air defence systems in the Kursk region”, regional governor Alexei Smirnov wrote on Telegram social media channel, adding that three drones were also destroyed.

On Tuesday, Moscow’s defence ministry said it had rushed its troops and aviation units to the border in Kursk after a morning raid by Ukrainian units — the latest such attack in the conflict.

The incursion was carried out by some 300 troops, 11 tanks and more than 20 armoured vehicles, Russian authorities said.

Five people were killed throughout the day and some 28 wounded, Smirnov and local health authorities said.

Kursk sits just across from Ukraine’s northeastern Sumy region.

Ukrainian drones also targeted residential buildings in the border regions of Voronezh and Belgorod, with damage but no casualties reported, local officials said on Wednesday.

Combatants from Ukraine have made several brief incursions into Russia since the beginning of the conflict in February 2022, including by units of Russians fighting in support of Kyiv — the Russian Volunteer Corps and the Freedom of Russia Legion.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

Russian President Vladimir Putin. File.
| Photo Credit: AP

Russian leader Vladimir Putin congratulated Iran’s reformist candidate Masoud Pezeshkian on his victory in a presidential runoff, the Kremlin said on July 6.

“I hope that your tenure as president will contribute to a reinforcement of constructive bilateral cooperation between our friendly peoples,” Mr. Putin said in a message to Mr. Pezeshkian.

The two countries, the target of stiff Western sanctions, can “coordinate efforts to resolve international issues in a constructive manner,” he said.

Mr. Pezeshkian received more than 16 million votes, around 54 %, while his rival, ultraconservative Saeed Jalili, took more than 13 million, roughly 44%, out of about 30 million votes cast in the second round.

An election was not due until 2025 but was called early after the death of ultraconservative president Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash.

Four candidates ran in the first round held on June 28.

File picture of External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar
| Photo Credit: via Reuters

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar will represent India at the annual summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in Astana next week as Prime Minister Narendra Modi has decided to skip it.

Mr. Modi is set to visit Russia from July 8 to 9 in his first trip to that country in nearly five years. After concluding the visit to Russia, he is likely to travel to Austria on July 9 on a two-day trip.

It is learnt that Mr. Modi decided to skip the SCO summit in view of his planned two-nation trip to Russia and Austria. There is no official confirmation on Mr. Modi’s visit to the two countries yet.

The SCO summit to be held on July 3 and 4 is expected to focus on the regional security situation and ways to boost connectivity and trade.

“The Indian delegation at the SCO summit will be led by external affairs minister S. Jaishankar,” Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said at his weekly media briefing on Friday.

The situation in Afghanistan, the Ukraine conflict and boosting overall security cooperation among the SCO member countries are expected to figure in the summit.

The SCO comprising India, China, Russia, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan is an influential economic and security bloc that has emerged as one of the largest transregional international organisations.

Generally, the Indian prime minister participates in the SCO summit.

In a phone conversation on Tuesday, Prime Minister Modi conveyed to Kazakhstan President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev India’s full support for the success of the summit.

Kazakhstan is hosting the summit in its capacity as the current chair of the grouping.

India was the chair of the SCO last year. It hosted the SCO summit in the virtual format in July last year.

India’s association with the SCO began in 2005 as an observer country. It became a full member state of the SCO at the Astana summit in 2017.

India has shown a keen interest in deepening its security-related cooperation with the SCO and its Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS), which specifically deals with issues relating to security and defence.

The SCO was founded at a summit in Shanghai in 2001 by the presidents of Russia, China, the Kyrgyz Republic, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.

Pakistan became its permanent member along with India in 2017.