Chaitey gelaam odhikaar, hoye gelaam razakar!

In the tsunami of slogans that swept away the Sheikh Hasina government earlier this month, this particular one (“We asked for our rights but became razakars”), dripping with sarcasm, stood out as the summary of the political history of Bangladesh’s independent existence. As her law and order machinery overplayed their hands, Ms. Hasina described the protesters as ‘razakars’, the anti-liberation forces of 1971 who opposed Bangladesh’s freedom. But it turned out that Ms. Hasina, despite her best efforts, failed to contain the anti-liberation forces that were most effectively represented by the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh.

During her 15-year prime ministerial tenure, one of the most dramatic moments came in the early morning of May 11, 2016 when Motiur Rahman Nizami, the leader of JeI Bangladesh, was hanged to death in the Dhaka central prison. That Nizami, once one of the most powerful figures in the country, could be hanged showed that the JeI had become weak after relentless attacks by the Hasina government.

The JeI’s weakness was further proved when its footsoldiers failed to mobilise themselves in protest against Nizami’s death. Nizami represented the might of the JeI in Bangladesh. On May 13, 1971, as the Pakistani military’s ‘Operation Searchlight’ rolled on, attacking those who opposed the freedom movement of Bangladesh, a large contingent of the Pakistan Army reached Demra in the western part of the country and, with the help of the collaborators, killed a large number of civilians. A War Crimes Tribunal set up by the Hasina government conducted an inquiry and found that it was the Al Badr militia, led by Nizami, that supported the Pakistan military in carrying out the Demra massacre.

The JeI Bangladesh is an offshoot of the Jamaat-e-Islami, which was established on August 26, 1941 in Lahore. Soon after its emergence, the JeI opposed the Pakistan movement of Mohammed Ali Jinnah. However, after the formation of the state of Pakistan, it reinvented itself by demanding an Islamic Constitution and Islamic regime. In East Pakistan, Ghulam Azam spearheaded the Islamic movement.

In 1954, Ghulam Azam joined the JeI and with his leadership the JeI became a strong movement in East Pakistan as well. It was during this time that the JeI founded its student wing (today Chhatra Shibir in Bangladesh). The JeI in East Pakistan faced the first crackdown under the government of President Ayub Khan, who banned the organisation under an order which remained in force until 1962. In 1963, the outfit revived itself as part of a campaign against the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961, which was opposed by the anti-Ayub Khan parties. In the next election of 1965, Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, contested against Ayub Khan. This marked a dramatic turn in the history of the JeI as the outfit, including its chief ideologue Maulana Maududi, went against their fundamental tenets and supported a woman candidature in an election. This experiment with democracy would be an example that the outfit would subsequently replicate.

Mujib’s opponent

It was after the defeat of Fatima Jinnah that the JeI’s East Pakistan wing became more focused on the politics in Dhaka where it emerged as the chief opponent of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Sheikh Mujib wanted a federal system for East and West Pakistan which would include two separate currencies and separate forex reserves for the two wings. He also demanded a separate paramilitary for East Pakistan. The recasting of the JeI’s political position against Mujib brought the movement closer to its former arch enemy, President Ayub Khan. As Pakistan moved towards the polls of December 7, 1970, the JeI contested the polls and won four seats in the National Assembly. As the movement for Bangladesh intensified, the JeI became part of the official move to preserve Pakistan in its undivided form.

After the defeat of the Pakistan military in the 1971 war, Ghulam Azam, leader of the JeI, left Bangladesh and for sometime lived in London and Pakistan while campaigning for the re-establishment of East Pakistan. Azam’s citizenship was nullified by the Mujib government in 1973 when the country held its first election. After a period of uncertainty, the JeI Bangladesh was launched in 1979 with Azam as the emir and Abbas Ali Khan as the emir-in-charge. In 1986, the JeI Bangladesh contested the election and got 10 seats. It campaigned against the government of President Hossein Mohammed Ershad. In 1990, during the stormy anti-Ershad movement that was led by Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League and Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), JeI leaders delivered speeches in support of popular democracy. In the election of 1991 that brought Ms. Zia to power, the JeI Bangladesh won 18 seats.

The biggest turnaround in the history of the JeI Bangladesh came on December 6, 1992 when the Babri Masjid was demolished in Ayodhya. The outfit took advantage of public sentiment and established itself as a voice of the religious majority in Bangladesh. Through a court ruling, Ghulam Azam got back his Bangladesh citizenship. In a twist of irony, in 1996, the JeI joined hands with the Awami League and launched a movement for establishing a caretaker government that would hold the next election. The two parties, however, did not form a coalition during the election that brought Ms. Hasina as the Prime Minister for the first time. From the margins, the JeI came into the core of Bangladesh politics in 1998 when it reached an understanding with the BNP.

In 1999,the JeI joined a BNP-led four party alliance. With the JeI becoming a mainstream political player, Ghulam Azam withdrew from active politics and Motiur Rahman Nizami became the emir. In the 2001 election, the JeI won 18 seats and Nizami became a Minister, holding the portfolios of agriculture and industry. It was during this time that the outfit warmed its ties with the JeI Pakistan. As the Zia government became unpopular, the JeI Bangladesh also bore the brunt and its leaders were caught in the vortex as they repeatedly made derogatory remarks about the 1971 liberation war that infuriated the public and prompted Ms. Hasina to pledge that the Awamil league would set up a war crimes tribunal if she returned to power. The opportunity to form this tribunal came in 2009 when the Jatiyo Sansad passed the unanimous resolution setting up the war crimes tribunal.

New tactics

After the execution of Nizami, the JeI, under the leadership of Shafiqur Rahman (in picture), has renovated its tactics and replaced its earlier anti-liberation rhetoric with sophisticated social media outreach. It also strengthened its presence in coaching centres and liberal universities where the heavy handed policies of the Hasina government had triggered a backlash. Ms. Hasina, in one last acts of reprisal, banned the JeI. But she was too late.

The JeI has taken revenge for the execution of Nizami. Just like the 1990 movement against the military dictatorship, this time too the JeI participated in a pro-democracy movement. In 1990, the JeI joined hands with the Awami League and the BNP to overthrow the Ershad regime. In 2024, they joined hands with students to overthrow Ms. Hasina.

Members of Hindu organisations hold a march against the violence on the minority community of Bangladesh amid the ongoing turmoil in the country, in Amritsar.
| Photo Credit: ANI

The United States is in touch with India and other countries in the region regarding the situation in Bangladesh and is seeking an end to the violence there, a State Department official has said here.

Also read: U.S. says ‘no involvement’ in ousting Sheikh Hasina

“I’m not going to get into private diplomatic discussions but we continue to push for an end to violence in Bangladesh, accountability and for the respect for rule of law,” US State Department Deputy Spokesperson Vedant Patel said at his daily news conference on Wednesday.

He was responding to a question regarding the communication between India and the US on the situation in Bangladesh following the collapse of the Sheikh Hasina government.

“We have been in touch with our Indian partners as well as other countries in the region to discuss recent events in Bangladesh,” Patel said.

He also welcomed Bangladesh’s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’ statement, calling for calm and an end to the recent violence. “We welcome the new government’s focus on restoring security and protection of members of minority communities as well,” Patel said.

Meanwhile, the Hindu American Foundation on Wednesday urged the White House to act to protect the minority Hindu community in Bangladesh.

Biden’s silence questioned

“Latest reports are that the President (Joe Biden) is not commenting on the plight of Bangladeshi Hindus despite continuing reports of attacks,” the foundation said.

“Demand Action Now! The silence from President, Vice President and Secretary Blinken on the atrocities against #BangladeshiHindus is unacceptable. Lives lost, homes & temples destroyed—yet no condemnation from our US government,” it said in a post on X.

Washington-based NGO HinduACTion claimed that Hindus in rural areas of Bangladesh are being targeted the most.

“Their remoteness allows the Islamists more freedom and time to target them. Now that Mohammad Yunus is the new caretaker leaders, should the Vice President and the State Department work towards enabling grassroots education and awareness that ensures that the country’s Madrassa curriculum and the public discourse is purged of its anti-Hindu theological content.

“We hope the president and his advisors realize that if Bangladesh loses the last eight per cent of its Hindus, it will be a Taliban state with a lot of tree canopy cover,” it said on X.

The story so far: In a shocking turn of events, Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled Dhaka on August 5, as protests in the capital escalated, with thousands of protestors soon entering the Prime Minister’s official residence. She is currently in India, considering asylum options in a third country.

Khaleda Zia, ex-Prime Minister and head of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) as well as imprisoned protestors have now been released. Nobel laureaute Mohammed Yunus will head an interim government, fulfilling a chief demand of the student protestors; he took oath on Thursday (August 8, 2024) along with 13 of his 16 member cabinet.

Also Read: Bangladesh protests updates

What started as a student protest over quotas accorded to freedom fighters in government jobs morphed into a protest against Ms. Hasina and the Awami League Party. Protestors demanded the resignation of Ms. Hasina as a single-point priority, while the government alleged that the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami were behind the agitation.

The BNP has been a dominant political force in the nation since it was founded in 1978. We take a look at the party as it stands today, its participation in the protests and its calls for Ms. Hasina’s resignation, alleging erosion of civil liberties under her regime.

What is the Bangladesh Nationalist Party?

The BNP was founded on September 1, 1978 by General Ziaur Rahman Bir Uttam, who was to later become president of Bangladesh, and a host of freedom fighters, including physician A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury, lawyer Moudud Ahmed and politician Mashiur Rahman.

The BNP’s core tenet is Bangladeshi Nationalism, which it has defined on its website as “an ideology that recognizes the right of Bangladeshis from all walks of life, irrespective of their ethnicity, gender or race.” The party had adopted a 19-point programme for the foundation of a ‘New Bangladesh’ after the Liberation War of 1971.

Under the BNP’s rule, Bangladesh’s economy opened up and moved towards capitalism, from its previous socialist bent The BNP and its student wing also spearheaded protests against Gen. Hussain Muhammad Ershad’s martial rule in the late 1980s, which eventually resulted in the ouster of his regime in 1990, and the restoration of democracy in the country.

Begum Khaleda Zia has been serving as the chairperson of the party since 1983. Her oldest son Tarique Rahman serves as the senior vice-chairman and Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir is the secretary-general. The body has an affiliated student wing— the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal, and an affiliated labour wing called the Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Sramik Dal.

Political journey

The BNP saw early success after its formation. It won Presidential elections in 1978, and Gen. Ziaur became President. He launched economic reform and privatisation. In 1979, the BNP won 207 of 300 seats in the second election, coming to power with a solid majority.

However, Gen. Ziaur was killed by a group of army officers in 1981, and Abdus Sattar became the head of the BNP. Ziaur’s widow— 35-year-old Khaleda Zia, mother of two young sons and a political novice — took over as the party’s vice president.

Ms. Zia, however, proved her mettle quickly, rising to the rank of BNP President in 1989. In the 1991 elections, BNP emerged triumphant, and Begum Zia was elected as the first woman prime minister of Bangladesh. This also made her the second woman prime minister among all the Muslim-majority nations, after Pakistan’s Benazir Bhutto in 1988.

Ms. Zia followed through on economic reforms, further liberalising Bangladesh’s economy during her first term in the early 1990s. Ms. Zia was known for her determination, but her uncompromising attitude prevented her from making important deals with allies, both at home and abroad.

She was re-elected for a second term in 1996, in an election boycotted by the Awami League, which saw a paltry 21% voter turnout. There were growing demands for fresh elections, following which Ms. Zia’s government passed the thirteenth Amendment to the constitution, that allowed the creation of a neutral caretaker government to allow for peaceful transfer of power. Her term was short– after a mere 12 days, Ms. Zia resigned. She handed over the reins to a caretaker government headed by former Chief Justice Mohammad Habibur Rahman.

She ran for reelection but the BNP lost. It, however, came second to the Awami League in the polls and emerged as the largest opposition party in the history of Bangladesh’s Parliamentary elections, winning 116 seats.

In 2001, the BNP returned to power again in coalition with three Islamist parties, sweeping 215 seats. Ms. Zia returned for her second term as Prime Minister. This term however, was marked by turmoil. There was a series of Islamist attacks which undermined her regime. On August 17, 2005, 469 bomb blasts took place in 63 locations across Bangladesh, killing two and injuring more than a hundred. Another area of controversy was Ms. Zia’s reported patronage of Siddique ul-Islam alias Bangla Bhai pivotal in forming the militant outfit Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB). Further, she created an anti-crime Rapid Action Battalion police unit, which came under heavy criticism for alleged extrajudicial killings.

Lastly, there were graft allegations against Ms. Zia and her sons, framed by the BNP as a politically motivated effort to expel Ms. Zia and her legacy from politics.

In January 2007, a political crisis led to an emergency rule by the military, which set up a caretaker government, headed by then-Army Chief Gen. Moeen U. Ahmed. This government launched a ‘fight against corruption’ and arrested both Ms. Hasina and Ms. Zia on allegations of bribery and corruption. After months of imprisonment with others of her family, Ms. Zia was released in September 2007.

In the 2008 election, the BNP and its allies won more than 40% of the vote, but lost to the Awami League, which got an absolute majority. The BNP only managed to secure 29 seats — a start of a fall from grace.

In 2009, Sheikh Hasina began her second term as Prime Minister with an absolute majority of 263 seats— the start of a 15-year rule over Bangladesh.

Battle of the Begums

The feud between Ms. Zia and Ms. Hasina is well-known, and called the “Battle of Begums” in Bangladesh, with “begum” being an honorific used in South Asia among the Muslim community for powerful women. The feud dates back to 1975, with its roots in the murder of Ms. Hasina’s father — Bangladesh’s ‘founding father’ Sheikh Mujibur Rahman — along with her mother, three brothers and many other relatives in a military coup.

It was Ms. Zia’s husband Ziaur Rahman who was the then deputy army chief, and who effectively took control of the government three months later.

Notably, Ms. Zia and Ms. Hasina fought shoulder to shoulder to push Ershad out in a wave of protests in 1990 and then faced off in Bangladesh’s first free polls. Ms. Zia won and led from 1991-96, and again in 2001-2006, as she and Ms. Hasina alternated in power.

Their feud carried on well after Ms Hasina came to power– even in personal life. When Ms. Zia’s youngest son died due to a heart attack in Malaysia in 2015, Ms. Hasina visited her home to offer her condolences. But Ms. Zia would not even open the door.

Boycott of elections and current status

The BNP did not have representation in the Parliament after it boycotted the national elections of 2014, calling them a farce. The elections that year were marked by very low turnout.

Ahead of the 2018 elections, Ms. Zia was sentenced to a five-year jail term, which was later extended to 10 years. In February 2018, she was sentenced to 17 years in prison for two graft cases. She was placed under house arrest since March 25, 2020, following a conditional release sanctioned during the COVID-19 pandemic. She was not allowed to leave her house in Dhaka’s Gulshan area, where she took up residence after the Hasina government cancelled the allotment of her late husband’s palatial house in the Cantonment area in 2010.

Due to her conviction, Ms. Zia was barred from contesting polls, as the Constitution prohibits the participation of a convicted person sentenced to over two years in prison. Mr. Rahman, her son, led the BNP from exile in London. But he, too, was convicted in absentia in Bangladesh and sentenced to life imprisonment over his alleged participation in a bomb attack on a 2004 Hasina rally.

In October 2023, the 17-doctor panel treating Ms Zia claimed she was at “high risk” of dying without urgent medical intervention abroad. She was, however, denied permission to leave the country by the Hasina government.

The BNP boycotted the next national elections as well, which were held on January 7, 2024. The BNP leaders dubbed the polls fake and engaged in an anti-government movement through a “peaceful public engagement programme,” which included several strikes. The ensuing elections saw a fall in voter turnout — from over 80% five years ago to 40%— and a return of Sheikh Hasina, yet again, to the Premier’s post.

The BNP has been vocal about its belief that Ms. Hasina has caused a severe curtailing of democracy in the nation. In an interview with The Hindu last year, Iqbal Hasan Mahmud, part of the BNP’s standing committee, said: “India should support the people of Bangladesh in the same way that it supported us in 1971. Today, the people of Bangladesh are living without their right to a transparent election. As a citizen of my country, I hope India will not stay silent in the face of erosion of democracy in Bangladesh.”

Now, too, senior BNP leaders have emphasised the importance of ties between India and Bangladesh, but also expressed that it was “natural to evoke adverse reaction” in Bangladesh that India had given refuse to Ms. Hasina.

“It would have been better had she not fled to India, as we are yearning to have good relations with India. Bangladesh and its people believe and see India as a friend,” BNP Vice-Chairman Abdul Awal Mintoo said to PTI..

Role in current protests

The key issue at the centre of the storm that led to Ms. Hasina’s eventual downfall was an unpopular quota system for government jobs, which was introduced by Sheik Mujibur Rahman soon after Bangladesh attained freedom. More than 50% of government jobs in the country were reserved for different sections of society, with 30% being set aside for the descendants of freedom fighters. Ms. Hasina removed the quota following protests in 2018. But in June 2024, the Bangladesh High Court reinstated this old quota system, triggering an outcry from students. Protests first sprung up on university campuses, and later spread across the country.

After the first round of protests, the Bangladesh Supreme Court curtailed the quota system, setting the reservation cap for the descendants of freedom fighters at 5%. But the fire had been stoked.

Ms. Hasina’s actions to tackle the protests did not aid her cause. She had called the protesters ‘razakars’, a denigrating term used for those Bangladeshis who had helped Pakistani troops during the Liberation War. She also deployed excessive force in her effort to quell the uprising.

On August 4, a new round of protests was launched by the students with a single, forceful demand — Sheikh Hasina must go. The protestors also sought accountability for the deaths of over 200 of their comrades. 

Dhaka, a megacity of 10 million people, was set for a major standoff between student protesters, backed by the BNP and Jamaat, and the security personnel and Awami League activists. It was following this major protest that Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the nation.

The road ahead

Now, the interim government headed by Mr. Yunus will be in power till the next steps for the nation become clearer. President Mohammed Shahbuddin dissolved parliament and announced that the country will soon have a general election. 

Mr. Yunus will be advised by 16 individuals, chosen after consultation with the student protestors and civil society. The Cabinet members are: Saleh Uddin Ahmed, Asif Nazrul, Adilur Rahman Khan, Hasan Arif, Tauhid Hossain, Syeda Rizwana Hasan, Brig. Gen. (Retd) M. Sakhawat Hossain, Supradip Chakma, Farida Akhtar, Bidhan Ranjan Roy, A.F.M. Khalid Hossain, Nurjahan Begum, Sharmin Murshid, Md. Nahid Islam (students’ representative), Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan (students’ representative) and Farooqui Azam.

Notably, no representative from the Awami League was at the swearing-in ceremony.

Ms. Zia has been released. She is at present in poor health, confined to a wheelchair with rheumatoid arthritis and dealing with diabetes, heart problems and liver cirrhosis. Reports say that her son Tarique Rahman is expected to return to Bangladesh now.

As the nation undergoes a political transformation, it remains unclear what role the BNP will play. But with Ms. Hasina temporarily out of the picture, the resurgence of BNP remains a distinct possibility.

As dawn approached on Saturday morning of July 20, 2024 a disturbing scene unfolded in Monsur Nagar Housing Estate in Savar upazila, on the outskirts of Dhaka. Some eight to 10 plainclothes men identifying themselves as being from the detective branch (DB) of Bangladesh Police, surrounded the home of Abul Khair, a 70-year-old, who had fought in the 1971 war for freedom. The officers, armed and aggressive, began shouting and demanded that Khair open the gate, threatening to break it down if he did not. Soon, they forcefully entered, seized the family’s phones and detained Khair’s two sons, Arif Sohel, 27, and Mohammad Ali Jowel.

While Jowel was released, Sohel went missing for the next 36 hours. No police station the family approached denied his detention; nor did they show his arrest, says the family. He was allegedly beaten up and not given food. For this brief spell, the family says Sohel was another victim of ‘enforced disappearance’, a common tactic the people of Bangladesh say the former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government used, to suppress dissent. Then, he was officially shown as arrested and placed on a seven-day remand in a case his family says is fabricated. Sohel’s father says, “The behavior of the law enforcement agencies was similar to that of the Pakistani military during the Liberation War.”

Sohel is a student and convener of the Jahangir Nagar University of Students Against Discrimination movement that swept the country from July 1. The students were protesting the June 5 Dhaka Supreme Court ruling to reinstate a 30% government job quota for descendants of 1971 independence war veterans (the quota had been withdrawn in 2018).

Student unrest

Like many other movements across the world, including India’s Mandal Commission and China’s Tiananmen square, students across Bangladesh took to the streets in the thousands. They demanded the abolition of the quota and the establishment of a merit-based system instead. Underlying the anti-quota protests though, was the fear that members of the Awami League, the political party that led Bangladesh’s independence movement against Pakistan, would benefit.

The student protests were met with a brutal reaction from the government. Citizens went through raids, in which thousands of students, opposition leaders, and others were arrested for their alleged involvement in the Students Against Discrimination movement. A curfew was imposed on the midnight of July 19. Images of the army and police firing on students came out of the country, with India saying this was Bangladesh’s “internal matter”, the same way that Hasina’s government had described India’s Citizenship Amendment Act in 2022. In fact, Hasina was the first state guest to visit India after the Bharatiya Janata Party government came to power for a third term this year.

When violence broke out, about 300 Indian students who had been pursuing MBBS degrees, returned home. The internet was cut, and it was difficult to reach friends and relatives. So far, 439 people have died in the violence, as per Prothom Alo, a leading newspaper in Bangladesh.

Under pressure from students, the Supreme Court scaled back the quota on July 21 to 5%, with an additional 2% for ethnic minorities. Sifat Hasan Sakib, one of the organisers from Dhaka’s government-run Jagannath University, says, “We fought against discrimination, and students won the fight, even at the cost of lives. We want a peaceful environment on university campuses, which has been absent for a long time due to the student wing of the Awami League, Bangladesh Chhatra League. Regular students’ union elections can play a crucial role in protecting the rights of students.”

Students say the Bangladesh Chhatra League dominates student life on campus, doling out privileges only to its members, and capturing posts that no other student organisation was allowed to hold. Abdullah Al Mamun, a recent graduate from the English Department of Dhaka College, expressed his frustration, saying, “There was no alternative but to take to the streets in protest…. Sheikh Hasina would often boast about economic development, but at the same time, she allowed Chhatra League to dismantle the education system in Bangladesh.”

He says the integrity of job examinations was severely compromised. “It was common for exam paper leaks. Moreover, the viva boards were biased, often favoring candidates affiliated with Chhatra League. This left general students with little hope of securing a job. The system was rigged against us.”

Bangladesh’s tipping point

Similar to how the 1857 uprising was sparked by a long history of disenchantment with British oppression, the students’ movement emerged from deep-seated political and social angst against authoritarianism and human rights violations. Thousands joined from across the country, and it was so strong it compelled Hasina to resign in the presence of the three service chiefs and flee the country, on August 5, 2024. The former Prime Minister, elected for the fifth time in January 2024, arrived in India and continues to be there, her future plans uncertain.

When she left her official residence, Ganabhaban, the public stormed its lavish premises. The world saw images of people making off with suitcases and deep freezers, but also goats, fish, and a German Shepherd pup. Statues of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Hasina’s father, considered the founding father of Bangladesh, were vandalised, the video going viral.

The army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, called for peace, and on August 6, 2024 it was announced that Muhammad Yunus, the 84-year-old pioneer of microfinance who won the Nobel prize in 2006, would lead an interim government, with 16 advisers, including two student representatives. The Hasina government had filed over 200 cases against the Grameen Bank founder, for corruption.

It wasn’t just student politics that brought the Hasina government down. According to Bangladeshi human rights organisations, security forces have committed over 600 enforced disappearances since 2009. While some people were later released, produced in court, or said to have died during an armed exchange with security forces, nearly 100 people remain missing, they say.

These actions angered people. For instance, Brigadier General (suspended) Abdullahil Amaan Azmi was released from the detention centre known as Aynaghar (House of Mirrors), after eight years of captivity in the early hours of August 6. Azmi is the son of late Ghulam Azam, the former ameer (chief) of the Jamaat-e-Islami, a religion-based political party that was started in 1941 and has its roots in present-day Pakistan. He was allegedly forcibly picked up from his residence on August 23, 2016, and had since been missing. The Hasina government had repeatedly denied the existence of Aynaghar and 23 other detention camps, where political opponents were allegedly kept.

The Hasina government had, on August 1, 2024, banned the Jamaat-e-Islami, saying it was a threat to public security. The Jamaat is a key ally of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who was then in jail on charges of corruption, but now released. “They (Jamaat and BNP) just used the students as their shield,” Hasina had said, when Italian Ambassador Antonio Alessandro called on her, news agency PTI reported.

The Jamaat’s central executive committee member and the party’s media and publicity secretary, Matiur Rahman Akanda, calls the 2024 election a “dummy election”.

After the fall of the Hasina regime, families of political prisoners secretly jailed under her rule have gathered in front of Director General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) headquarters. Sanjida Islam Tulee, co-founder of Mayer Dak, an organization of the families of the victims of ‘enforced disappearances’, says, “We have learnt from recently released former army officer Brigadier General Abdullahil Aman Azmi that there are many others in that Aynaghor. We went to the DGFI office to find out who is detained there and to talk about the issue.” They demand that the prisoners be released together instead of separately.

Media strangulation

The Bangladeshi media have often accused the government of stifling freedom of speech and assembly. According to a research paper by the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS), at least 451 journalists were sued under the Digital Security Act (DSA) since its inception and 255 of them were sued for their journalistic reports. Among the accused, 209 journalists are associated with national-level Bangladesh media and 197 with regional media outlets. The CGS found that at least 4,520 people have been charged in 1,436 cases filed between October 2018 and September 2023.

Raihan Hossain, a journalist from Jago News, an online news outlet in Bangladesh, says journalists in Bangladesh have faced huge challenges, particularly when reporting on sensitive issues like the extra-judicial killings, enforced disappearances, and the corruptions.

He says, “Journalists who dared to investigate and report on these issues often faced severe threats. The powers-that-be would go to great lengths to silence us, using intimidation and fear to prevent any negative coverage. It was a constant battle, and many of us were put in positions where our safety was at risk simply for trying to do our jobs.”

He adds that the situation was further complicated by the government’s blatant ‘favouritism’ for certain media outlets. “Newspapers that aligned with the government’s agenda were granted numerous facilities and privileges, while those that attempted to maintain journalistic integrity were often deprived of essential resources. This made it increasingly difficult for independent journalism to thrive, as the government’s influence over the media landscape created an environment where only the voices that supported the official narrative could prosper.”

A rise in minority violence

After Hasina’s fall, there has also been a rise in violence against the Hindu minority. According to Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC), 200-300 Hindu homes and businesses were vandalized, and 15-20 temples were damaged. Many have been injured.

Rana Dasgupta, the general secretary of the BHBCUC Oikya Parishad says, “Some of those whose homes were attacked may be directly involved in Awami League politics, but 98% are Hindus not involved in political activity.” He hopes the interim government will restore stability and protect minorities. Student and Jamaat leaders have put out statements asking supporters to guard temples and churches as diplomats and rights groups expressed concerns over reports of attacks on minority groups.

Monzurul Islam, president of the Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, says they do not consider any group a minority or majority in the country: “Everyone is equal,” he says, despite the group’s belief that the reason for Hasina’s political dominance in the country was India. Hindus, who form 8% of the population of over 17 crore, were traditionally Awami League supporters.

Photographer and human rights activist Shahidul Alam says, “India is effectively Bangladesh’s only neighbour. It is also a major trade partner. It makes no sense for Bangladesh not to have a cordial relationship with India.” He hopes though that a future relationship will be based on equality, rather than that of a ‘big brother’.

Two prominent Indian-American lawmakers have called for an immediate end to the ongoing brutal violence against the minority Hindu community in Bangladesh following the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina-led government.

The Congressmen have also urged the prime minister-designate of the interim government, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, to uphold the rule of law as he takes over the reins of the interim government.

Also read: Bangladeshis spend sleepless night amid fears of robbery and looting

The remarks by two influential Congressmen come a day after scores of Hindu American groups met State Department officials amidst the spike in crime against the minority Hindu community and the destruction of Hindu temples in Bangladesh.

They also said the failure of Congress and the administration to acknowledge and condemn the violence against Hindus and other religious minorities is unacceptable.

Several Hindu temples, households and businesses have been vandalised and at least two Hindu leaders affiliated with Hasina’s Awami League party were killed in the violence since Monday when Hasina resigned and fled to India.

“Bangladeshi students had just human rights concerns against PM Hasina. It’s good she is gone. But the violence now targeting Hindus is wrong. PM Yunus must uphold the rule of law & prevent the targeting of temples or people of any political party or faith from violence,” Ro Khanna, Congressman said in a post on X on Thursday.

Congressman Raja Krishnamoorthi said, “As Bangladesh prepares to swear in its interim government, I urge all government officials, the new administration and police chief, and the people of Bangladesh to do all they can to end the violence that has emerged across the country, including the brutal targeting of the country’s Hindu minority, their homes, businesses, and their temples.” “The violence must stop and those responsible must be brought to justice to help the people of Bangladesh move forward as a nation. I will continue to closely monitor developments in Bangladesh in coordination with the US State Department,” Krishnamoorthi said in a statement on Wednesday.

On Wednesday, Hindu American Foundation director of Policy Research Anita Joshi, Utsav Chakrabarti of HinduAction, Human Rights Collective for Bangladesh Minorities Executive Director Priya Saha, and geopolitical analyst Jay Kansara met with the US Ambassador for International Religious Freedom (IRF) Rashad Hussein at the US State Department in Washington, DC.

Urging US government action, the group briefed Hussein on the violence directed at Hindus and other religious minorities throughout Bangladesh, sharing documented incidents against Hindus and Hindu temples over 48 hours after Hasina left the country amidst civil unrest.

“The failure of Congress and this administration to acknowledge and condemn the violence against Hindus and other religious minorities is unacceptable,” Joshi said.

“The situation on the ground in Bangladesh is urgent and dire. We implore the State Department to use its clout and resources to put an end to this rampant violence against religious minorities, violence rooted in decades of mistrust and maltreatment of Bangladesh’s Hindu minority,” she said.

In a separate statement, the Foundation for India and Indian Diaspora Studies (FIIDS) urged the US President, State Department, IRF Ambassador, and presidential candidates to take immediate action to ensure peace is re-established in Bangladesh and that “minorities are protected, preventing another potential Hindu Genocide.” FIIDS also urged the United Nations to deploy observers and peacekeeping forces to contain the situation on the ground in Bangladesh and ensure the protection of vulnerable communities.

It made similar appeals to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, and External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar.

Since Hasina fled the country on Monday, media reports from Bangladesh have flagged more and more cases of violence against minorities, including the massive vandalism and destruction at popular folk band Joler Gaan’s frontman Rahul Ananda’s residence on Monday prompting the singer and his family to go into hiding.

However, it is not just Hindus that are targeted. At least 232 people were killed in Bangladesh in the incidents of violence that erupted across the country following the fall of the Hasina government on Monday, taking the death toll to 560 since the anti-quota protests first started in mid-July.

Meanwhile, soon after he arrived in Dhaka from Paris, Yunus on Thursday promised to deliver a government which assures safety to its citizens. He is to take oath later in the evening.

Earlier on Tuesday, the US expressed deep concern about the continued violence in Bangladesh including attacks on members of religious or political groups, and said it will be vital for the new government to credibly investigate all such instances and provide justice to victims.

“We are deeply concerned about continued reports of violence in Bangladesh – including violence directed at members of religious or political groups. We are equally concerned about reports of violence against police and law enforcement,” a State Department spokesperson told PTI on Tuesday.

Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus gestures while speaking to the media upon arriving at Charles de Gaulle’s airport in Roissy, north of Paris, Wednesday, Aug. 7, 2024.
| Photo Credit: AP

“Bangladesh’s interim government, led by Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, will take oath on Thursday (August 8, 2024),” Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman said.

Addressing a press conference on Wednesday (August 8, 2024), General Waker-Uz-Zaman said the interim government is likely to be sworn in at 8:00 p.m. on Thursday (August 8, 2024).

Bangladesh crisis live updates – August 7

He also said the advisory council may have 15 members.

Yunus, the 84-year-old economist, on Tuesday (August 6, 2024), was appointed as the head of interim government by President Mohammed Shahabuddin, a day after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country following deadly protests against her government over a controversial quota system in jobs.

People gather in front of the ransacked Awami League’s central office in the aftermath of the prime minister’s resignation, in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
| Photo Credit: PTI

Rights groups and diplomats in Bangladesh on Tuesday raised concerns at reports of attacks on minorities including Hindus, a day after the prime minister was ousted following mass protests.

Some businesses and homes owned by Hindus — a group seen by some in the Muslim-majority nation as having been close to ousted leader Sheikh Hasina — were attacked on Monday, witnesses said.

Police reported mobs launching revenge attacks on Hasina’s allies. Offices of Hasina’s Awami League party were torched and looted across the country, eyewitnesses told AFP.

“Houses and shops of minority people were attacked, vandalised and looted, at least 97 places on Monday and Tuesday,” Rana Dasgupta, general secretary of Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council, said in a statement.

The group said at least 10 Hindu temples were attacked by “miscreants” on Monday.

One Hindu man was beaten to death in Bangladesh’s southern Bagerhat district, said a hospital official who requested anonymity due to safety concerns.

“Such attacks on minorities are against the fundamental spirit of the anti-discrimination student movement,” said Transparency International Bangladesh head Iftekharuzzaman, who uses one name.

The United States embassy in Dhaka called for “calm”, in a post on social media platform X.

“We are concerned about reports of attacks on religious minorities and religious sites in Bangladesh,” it said, a message echoed by European Union diplomats.

EU heads of mission “are very concerned about incoming reports of multiple attacks against places of worship and members of religious, ethnic and other minorities in Bangladesh”, EU ambassador to Bangladesh Charles Whiteley posted on X.

“We urgently appeal to all parties to exercise restraint, reject communal violence and uphold the human rights of all Bangladeshis.”

Monday was the deadliest day of unrest since protests erupted in early July, with at least 122 people killed.

Some homes of the Ahmadis, a minority Muslim sect, were also torched by a mob on Monday, a local newspaper reported.

The house of celebrated Hindu musician Rahul Ananda – who last year met French President Emmanuel Macron when he visited Dhaka – was also torched.

Indian foreign minister S. Jaishankar on Tuesday also said New Delhi was “monitoring the situation with regard to the status of minorities”.

He added that the government would “remain deeply concerned till law and order is visibly restored”.